Texas has once again become the epicenter of real estate industry political spending, with new federal disclosures revealing that the National Association of Realtors’ Political Action Committee (RPAC) directed more of its candidate contributions and independent expenditure dollars to the state than any other ahead of the 2026 election cycle.
The filings, submitted to the Federal Election Commission in mid-March 2026 and covering activity from early 2025 through February 2026, provide a detailed itemized look at RPAC’s disbursements. This includes direct contributions to candidates, funding for political advertising, support for party committees, and transfers within NAR’s broader political network. The data outlines a multi-layered strategy that extends well beyond simple campaign donations.
Inman has contacted the National Association of Realtors for comment and will update this story if a response is received.
Texas Tops Candidate Funding, Though Sums Remain Modest
The filings show roughly $10 million in total disbursements across more than 2,000 transactions. However, only a fraction of that total—approximately $1.27 million—was directed straight to the campaign committees of federal candidates.
Within that subset of direct candidate support, Texas received the most funding, with about $147,000 in contributions. California followed with $126,000, and North Carolina with $76,000.
Among the largest individual recipients were Republican Mark Harris (North Carolina, $13,000), Republican Matthew Van Epps (Tennessee, $10,000), and Democrat Joe Courtney (Connecticut, $6,000). A significant number of Texas lawmakers received the standard $5,000 contribution, including Republicans Roger Williams, Randy Weber, and Dan Crenshaw, as well as Democrat Henry Cuellar.
A Network-Focused Spending Approach
Beyond direct candidate gifts, NAR’s PAC deployed substantial funds to national party committees on both sides of the aisle. The Republican National Committee received about $210,000. The National Republican Congressional Committee, National Republican Senatorial Committee, Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, and Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee each received roughly $150,000. Entities aligned with the Democratic National Committee received approximately $210,000 in combined contributions.
The filings also reveal extensive internal network activity, with significant transfers to state-level Realtor PACs. Maryland, South Carolina, and Indiana RPACs were among the largest recipients of these PAC-to-PAC transfers, which are used to amplify state-level political influence.
Independent Expenditures Flood Texas Races
Independent expenditures—funds for advertising and messaging about candidates without direct coordination with their campaigns—showed an even more pronounced Texas focus. More than $360,000 was directed at Texas candidates alone, the largest share for any state in this dataset.
The vast majority of that spending, nearly $288,000, was directed at supporting U.S. Senator John Cornyn, the senior Republican from Texas. All identified expenditures in the dataset were supportive, with none opposing him. For example, a single digital advertising buy of roughly $216,000 on February 11, 2026, was paid to Bridge Impact LLC of Bethesda, Maryland. Another $71,100 for online video production was paid to Meath Media Group of Washington, D.C.
Cornyn, a key figure on tax and financial regulation issues critical to the real estate sector, is currently engaged in a high-profile Republican primary runoff against Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton.
Targeted Support Across Competitive Texas House Races
While the Senate race dominated the totals, NAR’s PAC also funded smaller, targeted independent expenditures in several competitive Texas House contests, reflecting a bipartisan approach to lawmakers aligned with housing policy priorities.
- Tony Gonzales (R-TX-23): Approximately $40,000 in supportive spending. Gonzales later withdrew from the Republican primary runoff following an admission of an affair with a staffer.
- Dan Crenshaw (R-TX-2): Just over $13,000 in supportive spending. Crenshaw was defeated in his Republican primary by state Rep. Steve Toth.
- Julie Johnson (D-TX-30): Roughly $10,500 in supportive spending. Johnson advanced to a Democratic primary runoff against former Rep. Colin Allred.
- Henry Cuellar (D-TX-28): Just over $10,000 in supportive spending. Cuellar secured renomination in his South Texas border district. His campaign has been marked by a federal indictment (later pardoned by President Trump) related to alleged bribes from an Azerbaijan-linked company and a Mexican bank.
In each House race, the expenditures were solely supportive, underscoring a strategy of bolstering incumbents or favored candidates on both sides of the aisle who hold influence over housing, tax, and financial services policy.
Why Texas? Policy Stakes and a Shifting Landscape
The concentration of NAR-backed spending in Texas is not accidental. As the Sun Belt, and Texas in particular, drives national population and economic growth, the state’s congressional delegation holds increasing sway over debates on housing supply, mortgage access, and tax incentives like the mortgage interest deduction.
For the real estate industry, the political stakes are intensifying. NAR has faced significant legal and regulatory scrutiny in recent years, including a major commission-related lawsuit that reshaped industry practices. With core business models and policy priorities under pressure, the association’s political engagement heading into the 2026 midterms is likely more strategic and focused than ever.
About the Author: Nick Pipitone is a seasoned real estate journalist with over a decade of experience covering industry trends, political advocacy, and market dynamics. His reporting focuses on the intersection of policy, business, and community impact within the housing sector.
Email Nick Pipitone
